Colombian authorities are trying to contain a Yellow Fever Outbreak following President Gustavo Petro’s declaration of a health emergency on April 15.

The Pan American Health Organization recorded twice as many cases in the Americas in the first three months of 2025 compared to all of 2024, noting a “particularly concerning” situation in Tolima, Colombia.

Since September 2024, Colombia has recorded 85 cases and 38 deaths, according to the Ministry of Health, representing a 44% mortality rate. In comparison, 2023 saw only two cases in the country while none were recorded between 2019 and 2022.

In the same period since the outbreak began, 78% of confirmed Yellow Fever cases have been in Tolima, which has registered 67 incidents of infection and 25 deaths.

Speaking to Latin America Reports, Tolima’s Health Secretary, Katheirne Rengifo, explained the department’s response plan which follows multiple “strategic lines.” The first of these entails a mass vaccination campaign.

“The first challenge was to reach the rural area where the first case occurred,” said Rengifo.

She explained that the region’s remoteness meant that health authorities had to travel with basic equipment up to eight hours to vaccinate local farmers.

The vaccine rollout in Tolima was part of a nationwide program under Petro’s health emergency. 

According to the president, some 540,000 people received vaccines across the country’s 32 departments, with the majority in Tolima. Petro also said that the country had 3.7 million vaccines available for the disease.

In addition to inoculation, the department’s outbreak response has sought to improve its treatment of patients with the disease. While Yellow Fever is technically untreatable, mortality can be reduced through methods to reduce dehydration and fever. 

Rengifo notes that since the beginning of the outbreak, the disease’s mortality rate in Colombia has dropped from 47% to 37%. She cited the role of new government guidelines issued by the national Ministry of Health and Social Protection two weeks ago.

The Health Secretary also stressed the importance of communications campaigns that seek to raise awareness about the dangers of the disease. 

“We have to ensure that we deliver the message in a timely manner, not with the purpose of generating fear, but to protect and warn the population,” said Rengifo.

The department has sought to raise awareness about the importance of vaccinations and reducing exposure to mosquitoes. It has also worked with religious leaders to stress that the best form of protection is vaccination.

While this outbreak is not unusual in of itself, given the cyclical nature of the disease, its geographical spread makes it notable.

There have been cases recorded in areas previously unaffected by Yellow Fever, which Petro has blamed on climate change. 

In a statement on April 21, the president highlighted invisible threats brought by changing environmental patterns.

“Something you cannot see, but that advances and advances quickly, is the number of viruses that, due to changing climatic conditions, are beginning to come into contact with human beings where they were not previously,” said Petro. 

Changing climate patterns including higher temperatures and increased rainfall can increase the habitat range of mosquitoes that transmit Yellow Fever, according to Colombia’s Ministry of Health. 

In response to the outbreak, the government has increased travel warnings within the country.
The United States Center for Disease Control (CDC) also elevated its travel warning level for Colombia, encouraging U.S. tourists to “practice enhanced precautions.”

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The Colombian government announced on Saturday a “peace zone” agreed with the Frente 33 FARC dissident group, which has been engaged in fierce clashes with the National Liberation Army (ELN) since January in the northeast Catatumbo region.

President Gustavo Petro declared on X that “Catatumbo’s peace begins” with the deal, which will see the guerrillas concentrate in an area of the Tibú municipality. 

But local leaders, analysts and government officials raised questions about the plan’s viability and expressed concern for the civilian population.

Saturday’s deal follows months of negotiations between government delegates and the FARC dissidents. On April 17, Petro put pressure on the group, extending a ceasefire for a month with the threat of “significant changes in strategy” if negotiations did not advance.

“This department’s government views this as a phase in the advancement of the peace process,” Luis Niño, High Peace Advisor for Norte de Santander, told The Bogotá Post in response to the “peace zone” deal.

He explained that by concentrating the Frente 33 in a specific area where they have operational, logistical and security guarantees, the government hopes negotiations can progress and lead to a permanent peace agreement.

Armando Benedetti, Colombia’s Interior Minister, said that if the group does not concentrate within the peace zone then the government will end peace negotiations.

But Elizabeth Dickinson, Senior Colombia Analyst at Crisis Group, raised questions over whether the Frente 33 really wants to demobilize. 

“The actions that we’ve seen on the ground in recent weeks from the 33 are very much not of a group looking to disarm or seeking an end to conflict,” Dickinson told The Bogotá Post.

She noted that the FARC dissidents have continued to reinforce their army in the zone, bringing in new soldiers and arms and targeting the local population for recruitment, including children.

“This is an armed organization that is returning to war mode,” said Dickinson.

Doubts about the group’s intentions are coupled with fears of the impact on the local population.

Tibú, where the “peace zone” will be established, has been rocked by combat in recent months.

Many fear the deal could expose Tibú’s residents to more violence. 

“There is great concern for the civilian population,” Jaime Botero, President of Tibú’s Association of Communal Action Boards (ASOJUNTAS), told The Bogotá Post.

He explained that the ELN and FARC dissidents are both present in Tibú and fears that making it a “peace zone” could lead to intensified clashes between the groups.

Botero also criticized the government for not consulting community leaders in the municipality before announcing the plan. 

“As of today, we have not been notified, we have not been invited [to partake in] or informed about this upcoming process,” he said.

“We are the ones who are here, on the ground, day by day and at the very least we need to be consulted… so as to avoid a possible confrontation with the ELN,” continued the community leader. 

Others too have raised concerns about the viability of the plan. Niño echoed Botero’s concerns about the potential risk for the civilian population living in the “peace zone”. 

Dickinson also noted that on a practical level, there are concerns among security forces about whether or not the Frente 33 will disarm within the peace zone.

“If they do remain armed, it will be very complex and indeed potentially impossible for the military to protect them,” said the analyst, explaining that such a situation would constitute an alliance between government forces and an armed group. 

While residents of Catatumbo are desperate for peace, the impact of this deal for the conflict remains far from clear.

“It would be beneficial for us here – for the people – for the war to end. But, well, we will have to wait and see,” said Botero.

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Bogotá, Colombia – Colombian President Gustavo Petro took advantage of Thursday’s May Day marches to continue his campaign for a popular vote on his proposed labor reforms.

The leader addressed thousands of supporters in Bogotá’s Plaza Bolívar, outlining the 12 questions he wants to bring to the people while brandishing the sword of Simon Bolívar, Colombia’s independence hero.

But despite mobilizing many of his supporters in favor of the reforms, the decision on whether to hold a referendum sits with the Senate, which is widely considered to oppose such a move.

Petro’s push to let voters decide on the new laws comes after the Senate blocked them from being debated by lawmakers in March.

The proposals are a flagship Petro policy and seek to bring Colombia up to speed with many developed nations.

They include new rights for workers like statutory remuneration for vacation days and increased compensation for dismissal without just cause.

Critics believe that the reforms are anti-business and incompatible with Colombia’s largely informal economy. 

In his speech on Thursday, Petro outlined the 12 questions that would make up the plebiscite.

These include questions like: “Do you agree that the work day should last a maximum of eight hours and span from 6:00AM to 6:00PM?” and “Do you agree that workers should be paid 100% of their daily wages on Sundays and holidays?”

Attendees of the march were in a jovial mood and many donned hats, t-shirts, and flags that read “Yes to the referendum.”

Members of indigenous groups, who had been camped out at the National University in the days prior, were out in force. Indigenous guards lined sections of the road armed with machetes and sticks.

Representatives from workers’ unions and indigenous groups made up a large portion of the crowds. 

One woman, Pilar Mayorga, waved the flag of the M-19 rebel group that Petro belonged to in the 1980s. 

“I’m here because I am conscious of the corruption that has governed us for so many years,” she told The Bogotá Post.

She believed that the referendum would go ahead and that it would pass.

“[Protesting] is the only way to force congress and the whole corrupt government to see that the masses are those that are most interested in Petro’s reforms,” said Mayorga.

“The M-19 flag is a symbol of freedom and struggle,” added the Bogotá native.

Others travelled from distant parts of the country; Yerson Reales came from Chocó, a staunchly pro-Petro department.

“I have come all the way from Chocó to be here and to support Petro and all the working people,” Reales told The Bogotá Post.

During his speech, Petro criticized opposition lawmakers and made his case for a democratic decision on the reforms.

“What we will do is use democracy. And any single parliamentarian that votes against the referendum will not be re-elected in Colombia”, said the president.

The government needs 53 votes in the Senate for the proposals to be considered by the people. Its ruling coalition controls 35 seats of a total 108. 

Petro is expected to continue to apply pressure on senators, who have a month to make a decision on the referendum.  

The president may gain momentum from recent approval ratings of 37%, the highest levels for the leader in over two years. These notably increased from 32% in February this year, before the president called for the plebiscite.

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Cúcuta, Colombia – Multiple senior politicians representing Norte de Santander, home to the embattled Catatumbo region, have opposed the extension of a state of emergency in the conflict zone.

President Gustavo Petro declared a State of Internal Commotion on January 20, 2025, in response to clashes between the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the Frente 33, a FARC dissident group.

The decree is due to expire on April 24 but can be extended after 90 days with Senate approval. It is unclear whether Petro will seek to lengthen the mandate.

Petro declared a state of emergency in response to what has been described as Colombia’s worst humanitarian crisis in a decade.

Official figures report 57,000 people displaced and 86 confirmed dead but government officials estimate fatalities to be in excess of 300.

The constitutional measure allows the president to allocate resources in times of emergency and the government introduced new taxes on betting and fossil fuels to raise funds for Catatumbo. It also deployed some 10,000 uniformed police and soldiers to the region.

Despite the extraordinary measures, local politicians say that the region has not materially benefited from the decree.

“Nothing has arrived. No assistance. Humanitarian assistance at the beginning… but the internal commotion says that they are going to build hospitals, that they are going to improve the roads, that they are going to put in more men to be able to provide security,” Luis Niño, High Advisor for Peace in Norte de Santander, told The Bogotá Post. 

He criticized the empty promises of the government which has failed to deliver institutional development or security to the region. Displacement and death continues in Catatumbo despite the measures.

“If it did not work in the first 90 [days], I do not think it will work in the next 90,” said Niño. 

Other politicians from Norte de Santander have also spoken out against extending the state of emergency. 

Liberal Party Senator Alejandro Chacón told Colombian newspaper El Nuevo Siglo that there was no point in continuing the state of exception.

“I do not agree with the extension, I do not think it is necessary, there was no form of solution following the exceptional measures that were taken,” said Chacón.

Conservative Party Senator Juan Carlos García also opposed extending the State of Internal Commotion.

Instead, the politicians suggested that the government supports its proposed ‘Pact for Catatumbo’, a long-term investment plan that hopes to tackle the roots of violence — underdevelopment and an absence of state institutions. 

“This is not going to happen tomorrow, nor in 90 days, but the resources would be provided so that it can be achieved in five years,” said Niño.

The plan includes the construction of a university in Catatumbo and coca crop substitution.

But the proposal lacks concrete support from the government, which has only granted 1.2% of the necessary funds according to Niño. 

In January, Petro became the first president to invoke the constitutional clause since former President Álvaro Uribe’s tenure (2002-2010).

But his declaration was met with controversy and the country’s Constitutional Court is due to rule whether the decree and the individual measures within it are legal or not before May 5.

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Learning to drive is unlikely to be the numero uno task on your to-do list in Bogotá, but you might want to think again. 

The rising cost of driving lessons in Europe and the US is motivating more overseas residents to take a course in Colombia’s capital.

“Most of our expat students say it’s much cheaper to learn here,” says Paula Moreno, manager of the Conducir Colombia school in Teusaquillo, which has seen a steady rise in foreign students enrolling in recent years. 

“Though driving in the city can be stressful,” she adds.

She’s right about that. 

A combination of roadworks, potholes, gridlocks (the city regularly tops the ‘most congested’ lists), missing road signage, broken lights, street vendors and weaving motorbikes. 

Not to mention floods, protests, steep hills, escaped animals, the occasional presidential motorcade and taxistas driving while watching football on a small TV. Every excursion is a real-life game of Grand Theft Auto.

Note that the Colombian licence might not be that useful outside of Latin America. But the driving skills you acquire here will reduce learning time elsewhere. As people say here: “If you can learn to drive in Bogotá, you can drive anywhere”. And it is definitely cheaper.

Bang for bucks

How much cheaper? Learning in Colombia can be four times less than Europe or the US.

The current cost of a full driving course in Colombia is currently US$440, compared to around US$2,000 for the UK, US$3,000 for Germany (US$3,000) or Switzerland (US$4,000). 

Costs in the US vary from state to state, but average to US$1,200 for 20 hours behind the wheel, plus more for the theory classes.

In terms of bang for bucks, driving schools like Conducir Colombia (and there is plenty of competition) offer a very full program: 25 classes of theory, 5 classes of mechanics, and 20 driving classes. Each class is 50 minutes long. The course cost also covers an initial medical and psychometric evaluation, which is a simple computer test to check your hand-eye coordination.

Participants have to complete the theory course presentially in the classroom, but hours are flexible. The mechanic session, usually on Saturday mornings, covers basic car checks, maintenance and wheel changing.

“Many students have never done this before so it really helps to practice before the day you have a flat tire,” says Moreno.

There is a short online theory test that students pass before moving on to driving practicals, which also have flexible hours which students can book to fit around their own schedule.

At Conducir Colombia, students learn in cars with dual controls, so the instructor can brake in emergencies, and switch between different car brands and models during the course, including wheel time in an automatic and hybrid car.

Mind the language barriers

The 20th and last class is also considered a test where the instructor certifies the student as a qualified driver, who can now claim their licence from an office of the Registro Único Nacional de Tránsito, or RUNT. This costs an additional US$70.

“The whole process takes three weeks from theory to licence, if you are in a rush, though many students spread their classes over several months,” says Moreno.

A key question for some overseas students will be: is my Spanish good enough? For Moreno, though, this has never been a problem.

“In the theory classes, some of the teachers speak a bit of English and the other Colombian students help out, it’s fun,” she says. “Also, much of the tuition is with videos.”

For practical driving, a few key words are essential, but everyone has picked these up during the theory by the time they get behind the wheel.

“So far it’s never been a big problem, and everybody gets by.”

What about experienced drivers from overseas? Do they still need to do a driving course?

On this, the Colombian rules are very clear, says Moreno: foreign drivers can use their licences from their home countries while here as tourists, for a maximum of six months. After six months most nationalities need to get a Colombian licence – and complete a driving course – to legally drive.

The exceptions are citizens of Spain, Peru, Korea, Chile and Argentina, who do not need to do the driving course and can co-validate their overseas licences by inscribing them in the Registro Único Nacional de Tránsito.

No shortcuts

“Unfortunately Colombia has very few agreements with other countries to allow their citizens to drive. So after six months you need to do the course,” explains Moreno.

This sounds like bad news, particularly for experienced foreign drivers who only need the actual licence rather than a 45 hours of training.

This is where the Colombian system is inflexible. In other countries you can apply for the driving test independent of the schools. In Colombia, the test is part and parcel of the training course. And it seems there are no shortcuts. 

“Some years ago people could fake the course and the corrupt driving schools would sign them off. Some people never did the full lessons.”

Nowadays, says Moreno, every student is monitored for every class through biometric checks. These were introduced to driving schools in an attempt to reduce the rampant malpractices.

Starting in 2018, every potential driver’s biometric data was saved in the RUNT database and then shared with a system called SIVOC, Sistema de Control y Vigilancia, with students scanning their fingerprints at the start and end of every training session.

“Adios to fraud in the driving schools,” announced the authorities at the time. To introduce more rigor, realtime checks were introduced in 2022; the computer randomly prompts students to re-register their fingerprints even during the 50 minute sessions.

“If you don’t pass the validation, the class isn’t counted, and you have to re-do it” says Moreno. 

Some unscrupulous schools have found ways to continue to game the system, she says, using sticky tape to copy fingerprints of students who don’t want to do the full course. But those are a minority. Most students are happy to get all the practice they can in Bogotá’s challenging streets.

“The licence is just the beginning,” says Sara, a student who has just finished her course in Teusaquillo. “The real challenges are still ahead.”

A Quick Guide to Getting a Driving Licence in Bogotá

1: Find an authorised driving school, called Centros de Enseñanza Automovilística. You can usually find one within walking distance in Bogotá.

2: Inscribe yourself in the RUNT, which is the national transport database. To do this you need to make an appointment in the Ventanilla Única de Servicios. These are small transport offices dotted across the city. The driving school can help you make the appointment. If you have not yet received a Cedula de Extranjeria ID card, you can use your passport number. On the day and time of your appointment, you will present your ID or passport and get your biometric data recorded. The cost in 2025 is US$5.

3: Do your medical exam. This is in a specialised clinic usually close to the driving school, and sometimes is included in the driving school fee. The tests are very simple and usually take 40 minutes. Once you have done the exam, you can start your driving classes.

4: Organise your theory classes with the driving school. You will be in groups of around 10 students, depending on the size of the school. After 20 hours of theory you will have a simple on-line exam, with several practice attempts to check you are ready

5: Attend the mechanic training. This is often done in one session on a Saturday morning.

6: Do your driving practice, 20 sessions of just under an hour. The last class is also your test, your instructor certifies you as a driver.

7: Obtain your driving licence. For this you need another appointment in the Ventanilla Única de Servicios where you will pay an additional US$70 and immediately receive your physical licence. 

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Medellín has been named the third best city in the world for food in TimeOut Magazine’s global ranking for 2025.

The list of 20 cities was based on a survey of locals as well as expert opinions. Medellín came behind Bangkok, at number two, and New Orleans in first place. 

The recognition has been well received by local restaurateurs who believe it will boost the city’s global reputation.  

To compile its ranking, TimeOut magazine surveyed thousands of people, asking them to respond to eighteen criteria about the food in their hometowns, including affordability and quality.

On top of the survey results, TimeOut food experts were asked to score the cities based on what they believe to be the most exciting cities for food in the world right now. 

The article described Medellín as a city with good food “at any price point.” It mentioned traditional food markets like La Placita de Flórez and more upscale spots in the smart El Poblado neighborhood like Mar y Fuego.

The Bogotá Post spoke to Sergio Echeverry, Creative Chef and co-founder of Mar y Fuego, a restaurant which was praised for its ceviches and Colombian fusion cuisine.

He believes Medellín’s food is unique due to its blend of tradition and global influences, making it both “diverse and modern.”

But according to Echeverry, it also has another element that makes it unique: the service.

“Medellín is a city characterized by the warmth of its people, which is reflected in the service and ambience in restaurants, creating unique experiences,” said the chef.

Echeverry explained that Medellín’s culinary scene has changed considerably in recent years.

“In the last five years, Medellín has undergone an important transformation in gastronomic terms. The city has experienced big growth in the variety and quality of the food available,” said the chef.

He credited this evolution to the surge of young chefs experimenting with indigenous ingredients and developing original menus.

Echeverry also noted that Medellín’s food scene has contributed to its popularity among visitors from abroad.

“The city has also attracted many foreign gastronomic tourists who want to have an authentic experience in a modern and vibrant atmosphere,” said the chef. 

Colombia as a whole has been increasingly recognized for its culinary scene in recent years. 

In the most recent ‘50 Best’ list of Latin American restaurants, two of the top ten were in Colombia – El Chato, at number three, and Leo, at number ten. 

But notably, of the four restaurants on the list, all of them were in Bogotá, which did not make TimeOut’s ranking.

The magazine says that it only includes “the highest-scoring city for each country to ensure the list reflects culinary cities globally.”

For restauranteurs in Medellín, inclusion in the list is already having an impact. 

“Since the article was published, we have noted an interest in finding out more about our restaurant,” said Echeverry.

He also believes the ranking will further boost Medellín’s culinary scene.

“These types of mentions help to position Medellín as a global gastronomic destination, which also opens doors for more people from around the world to discover what the city has to offer,” said the chef.

The post Medellín named third best city for food in the world appeared first on The Bogotá Post.

The gruesome rumour of 20,000 bodies supposedly stored in El Dorado Airport has been laid to rest thanks to a special peace court ruling that there was no evidence of human remains hidden in Colombia’s international hub.

According to the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP, by its Spanish initials) decision made public last week, the investigative court had failed to turn up any evidence of deceased humans or their remains stored “in places used as hangers, warehouses, recycling zones, or water waste treatment areas at the airport”.

The JEP’s extraordinary announcement followed three months of uncertainty sparked by a polemical press conference in December 2024, in which UN experts asserted that “thousands of unidentified bodies lie in poorly managed cemeteries or storage facilities, such as allegedly at a hangar at Bogotá airport where it was reported to the delegation that around 20,000 unidentified bodies would be stored”.

The comments came from a technical team from the United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearances (UNCED) tasked with a two-week visit to “strengthen accountability and protections against enforced disappearances”.

The delegation travelled to Bogotá, Cali, Cúcuta, Medellín, Santa Marta and Villavicencio to meet government officials responsible for finding disappeared people, and in charge of establishing and implementing related public policies. They also met victims groups and civil society organisations, and planned to attend exhumations of human remains found during investigations.

Their initial findings, presented at a press conference in Bogotá on December 5, highlighted the magnitude of the decades-long horrors of forced disappearances in Colombia, and the fact it still happens today.

“Enforced disappearance remains a horrific reality across Colombia, with tens of thousands of victims unaccounted for and families left in despair despite decades of efforts to end this crime,” said the expert panel addressing Colombia and international media.

“Although enforced disappearances started in Colombia around the 1940s, they are not just a crime of the past. They continue to occur daily across the country in diverse circumstances.” 

Insurmountable barriers

The delegation also pointed to an excess of bureaucracy in the network of Colombian institutions tasked with resolving cases.

“Families of disappeared people often face insurmountable barriers when seeking help due to the complex legal and institutional framework.”

For decades, for example, human rights organizations and families of people who disappeared amid Colombia’s internal conflict have pointed to La Escombrera, a trash dump in the western hills of Medellín, as the site of a mass grave with possibly hundreds of bodies buried beneath the rubbish. 

According to official data from Colombia’s Colombia’s Unit for the Search of Disappeared Persons (UPBD), tasked with finding persons disappeared during the conflict until 2016, there are currently 124,724 disappeared, and 10,872 “sites of interest” identified as actual or possible burial sites where victims were buried.

For long term observers of the conflict, and the 40,000 Colombians currently seeking their missing family members, the airport allegation – which the UN delegation repeatedly stated came from “credible sources” – risked overshadowing other aspects of the technical visit.

The claim sparked an immediate backlash from a range of institutions from forensics services to airport management and an immediate search of 27 hangers the same night by a commission of the Attorney General’s office, with nothing to report.

Chorus of disbelief

But by then the airport allegations had taken off around the world, with one news agency reporting the “hidden tragedy of bodies discovered at Bogotá airport” and many others reporting Colombia’s denials of the UN claims.

Bogotá’s mayor Carlos Galan joined a chorus of disbelief calling on the UN delegation to “show Colombia evidence of their statement”, while legal experts pondered the implications of Colombia’s busiest airport, and one of the largest transportation hubs in Latin America, being declared a mass grave.

The UN at the time distanced itself from the controversy, telling news outlets by email that the UNCED delegation members were not formally part of the world body.

“Please note that the Committee on Enforced Disappearances is a monitoring body made up of independent human rights experts from around the world. They are not UN officials,” said the email.

The JEP announcement  to end the case this week was welcomed by authorities relieved that the special conflict court would not be imposing any “medidas cautelares” – special protection measures – against the airport, such as cordoning off zones that could affect flights operations.

The JEP had discounted these measures because “the criteria of seriousness and urgency required for this type of process were not met”, it reported, following its own investigation of entities reporting to UNCED and its own inspection of El Dorado premises, including the Military Air Transport Command (CATAM) base which shares space with the Bogotá airport.

On the basis of this the JEP has now ordered the case to be archived, though the UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances is still to deliver its full report, in theory due next month.

Whether this will shed light on the origin of the El Dorado rumours remains to be seen. 

The post No bodies hidden in Bogotá’s airport, special court rules appeared first on The Bogotá Post.

Quibdó, Colombia – Elizabeth “Chava” Moreno is a human rights leader from the embattled Litoral San Juan municipality in Colombia’s Chocó Department. 

After being forced to flee her rural home by armed groups in 2013, Moreno dedicated herself to advocating for the black and indigenous natives of Chocó.

Today, she is the Coordinator of the Interethnic Forum in Chocó, representing communities who have been victims of decades of conflict and state neglect. 

Moreno has received multiple prestigious recognitions, including the United Nations Nansen Refugee Prize in 2023 and the Colombian government’s National Human Rights Prize.

In the empty dining room of a gloomy Quibdó hotel, Moreno loosens the string binding a parcel of banana leaves, releasing a cloud of savoury steam from a hot pastel de arroz. She picked up the Pacific delicacy in the street from schoolgirls raising money for their church.

A waiter offers to plate it up for Moreno, but she declines. “No need to make a mess,” she tells him, waving her hand.

Before our meeting, Moreno had been taking part in a conference upstairs with black community members from the predominantly Afro-descendent region. During our interview, men and women periodically stop in to pay their respects.

Conflict and displacement

The topic on everyone’s mind in Chocó is the escalating humanitarian crisis brought on by clashes between the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla group and the Colombian Gaitanist Army (EGC), Colombia’s largest drug trafficking organization also known as the Clan del Golfo (Gulf Clan).

The region is no stranger to war, and has been uprooted by on-and-off violence for the better half of 40 years.

But Moreno stresses that conflict is not endemic to the department, that it came from outside and disrupted centuries of peace. 

“Before, we lived in harmony, harmonized by ancestral wisdom and knowledge. But as violent forces in Colombia spread to more remote regions, they eventually arrived in our land,” she recalls.

Moreno’s birthplace is rich in gold and copper and ripe for cultivating coca and marijuana, which has attracted multinational corporations and illegal armed groups looking to make a profit.

“They are driven by the desire to make, to extract, to seize and take advantage of these resources in communities, of people who did not have the knowledge to defend their assets,” she explains.

Armed groups then forcibly removed people from their homes in order to facilitate production, creating mass displacements like the ones seen today.

Moreno was displaced in 2013 by fighting between paramilitary groups. 

“Being displaced produces a lot of effects… above all, the rupture of the community fabric, the loss of culture, precarious economic situations, family breakdown, social decomposition,” she explains.

The new wave of fighting in Chocó has displaced over 3,500 people since February.

Moreno warns that people who were already victims of previous bouts of conflict are being impacted again.

“It is very painful, it is very sad… in Chocó, [we are seeing] re-victimization, the government repeating the same mistakes, actors like the ELN, the collapse in negotiations,” she says, referencing the breakdown in peace talks between the state and the ELN in January.

Failed approaches to peace

Many observers believe that Colombian President Gustavo Petro’s “total peace” plan has passed a tipping point, with intensified clashes in the northeast Catatumbo region, Chocó and Cauca.

In Chocó, cyclical violence has generated a deep distrust in the state’s ability to protect its citizens.

Moreno criticizes the government’s approach to peace, including the 2016 deal with the FARC guerrilla group, for not involving black and indigenous people living on the frontlines of the conflict.

“That is one of the great failures of the peace agreement’s signing… Afro-Colombians, the victims, the indigenous people, we made it onto the last of the three hundred or so pages of the peace agreement. Only one page talks about the ethnic component,” she says.

Moreno explains that despite hopes that the deal would bring peace, it simply shifted the conflict dynamics to different groups wreaking havoc on the civilian population.

“Here, the leash changes but not the dog,” she says.

In the past two years, Chocó has had the highest percentage of displacements, disappearances and confinements in Colombia.

Moreno calls for urgent action from the government before it is too late for Chocó. She is among many local leaders demanding development initiatives and stronger institutions in the region, rather than security interventions.

Moreno criticizes the government for only acting once it is too late, referencing its failure to respond to early warnings about the crisis in Catatumbo. 

Now, she implores it to answer the alerts issued by the government, the ombudsman and local leaders in Chocó. 

“You cannot solve the problem when the damage has already been done,” says Moreno. 

In Colombia, speaking out against the government and armed groups can be deadly; last year, 188 social leaders and human rights defenders were killed, including seven in Chocó. 

When asked if she is scared to speak out, Moreno laughs: “they always ask us that!” 

“If we let fear get the best of us, it eats us alive. A friend always says, if we talk, they kill us. So let them kill us talking,” she says.

The post ‘Here, the leash changes but not the dog’: A conversation with Colombian human rights leader Elizabeth Moreno appeared first on The Bogotá Post.

Thousands marched in Bogotá today, March 18, as part of nationwide demonstrations in support of labor reforms proposed by Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro. 

The president called the rally in an effort to pressure the Senate, which was widely expected to vote down the bill before it could be debated.

The attempt failed, with lawmakers on the Comisión Séptima, a constitutional committee, voting eight to six in favor of tabling the labor reforms. 

Yesterday, the government announced that March 18 would be a Día Cívico, or civic day, giving public servants a day off work.

Describing the purpose of the holiday, a government statement read: “to guarantee the legitimate right of citizens to express themselves publicly in favor of social reforms that improve their lives and guarantee their dignity.”

The proposed reforms sought new rights for workers including statutory remuneration for vacation days and increased compensation for dismissal without just cause.

They received widespread opposition from the private sector, who would have to front the costs.

Thousands heeded Petro’s call to march in favor of the reforms, including public servants, members of trade unions, and families who travelled from around the country. 

The rally started at the Parque Nacional and proceeded to Plaza Simon Bolívar in the historic center.

Many attendees hoped the march would persuade the Senate committee to let the bill pass to the next stage of consideration.

“I’m here to support the debate, let them at least debate the government’s reforms because they are made for the people, and that’s why we voted [for Petro],” Clementina Hernandez, a Bogotá local, told The Bogotá Post. 

Others wanted to show support for the president more broadly.

“I’m here supporting Gustavo Petro, who is the truest leader that Colombia has ever had. He’s someone who likes to work for poor people,” said Isaac Rojas, 70.

Some used the opportunity to show support for Petro’s coalition in the upcoming elections in 2026.

Fernando Mateus and his wife donned t-shirts that read “solidly behind Petro for reelection.”

Asked if they believed that the president had fulfilled his campaign promises, they cited his attempts at progressive reforms and blamed lawmakers for blocking them.

“He is supporting long overdue reforms in Colombia, including agrarian reform, labor reform, health reform. Congress does not allow him to move forward so these have been very difficult to achieve. But what is in his hands he has managed to do and he has the will to do it and we believe him and that is why we continue to support him,” said Mateus.

One family at the demonstration travelled from Cali to join the demonstration. Their eldest son, Leonardo Ponza, also criticized congress for blocking Petro’s reforms.

“Not everything that [Petro] promised has been fulfilled, but it is not due to a lack of will by the national administration, I think that in many situations their hands have been tied,” said Ponza.

He added that the protest was the latest attempt to stop congress from blocking Petro’s reforms. 

Some critics suggested that people were paid to attend the rally, but there has been no evidence to prove these claims. 

But one anonymous source told The Bogotá Post that their employer had obliged them to attend the rally.

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Quibdó, Colombia – Local officials, community leaders and residents in Colombia’s western Chocó department fear that the entry of a third armed group to the region will aggravate the existing humanitarian crisis.

Last week, authorities reported that the Estado Mayor Central (EMC), or Central General Staff, a dissident group of the demobilized FARC guerrillas, are present in Chocó for the first time.

The group is reportedly working alongside the Gaitanist Army of Colombia (EGC) – previously known as the AGC or Clan del Golfo – in its ongoing fight against the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerilla, which has seen a period of intensification this month.

Chocó’s Secretary of the Interior, Francisco Vidal, told The Bogotá Post that members of the EMC are moving into the area through the Calima River Basin, which borders Chocó to the south in the Valle de Cauca Department. 

Vidal explained that the entry of a new armed actor will worsen the conflict and the ongoing crisis, which has already displaced at least 3,500 people.  

“What this does is… aggravates the humanitarian crisis, because it is one more actor that enters the conflict,” said the Secretary.

The recent fighting has been concentrated in the remote San Juan River Basin, where EGC forces have been pushing south, threatening ELN control over the region.

The newly arrived EMC is entering from the south and pushing north, effectively surrounding the ELN.

Andres Preciado, Director of Conflict and Security at Fundación Ideas para la Paz, suggests that the ELN has been losing ground. 

“The ELN has suffered significant territorial losses at the hands of the [AGC] and is resorting to other measures to halt its advance,” Preciado told The Bogotá Post.

These measures include last week’s paro armado, or armed strike, which confined thousands of people to their homes under threat of violence.

Vidal explained that the ELN is resorting to more drastic tactics.

“We have witnessed actions that had not been seen for a long time, such as the use of gas cylinders loaded with explosives,” the Secretary said.

He also told The Bogotá Post that the area affected by the ELN’s actions has expanded, further intensifying the crisis. While the department has seen many armed strikes in past years, they were usually confined to six municipalities in the San Juan River Basin. Last week’s action saw incidents in 15 municipalities. 

“Escalations by this armed group are increasing. It has expanded its presence to regions previously unaffected,” said Vidal.

While the current conflict between the AGC and ELN in Chocó has been ongoing since 2021, it appears to be escalating.

Elizabeth ‘Chava’ Moreno, a human rights leader from the San Juan region and Coordinator of the Interethnic Forum for Solidarity in Chocó (FISCH), warned that the entry of the EMC will only worsen the conflict.

“The presence of various armed actors aggravates the situation and also makes the confrontations more eminent and recurrent,” Moreno told The Bogotá Post.

Chocó’s Governor, Nubia Carolina Córdoba, has been petitioning the national government over the past weeks for assistance in dealing with the ongoing crisis.

On Saturday, The Bogotá Post attended a meeting between a national government delegation and local leaders and residents in Condoto, a town in the San Juan region. 

At a gymnasium in the town used to host the event, successive speakers directed their frustration at the government towards Lilia Solano, director of the national government’s Victims Unit, which manages reparations for victims of Colombia’s armed conflict.

In at times heated speeches, mayors from the region criticized the state for neglecting the needs of Chocó for so long.

The voice of the mayor of Istmina, Chocó second city about two hour’s drive south from the capital Quibdó, boomed through the room as he railed against the empty promises of successive governments, to rapturous applause.

“Today my voice speaks loudly, but I bear a social and historical fatigue, I can’t stand it any longer… we want the active presence of the government in the territory, we want institutions,” said Mayor Jaison Mosquera Sánchez.

But despite locals viewing the conflict as much a social as a security problem, the government continues to prioritize military action. 

At the meeting, the Vice Minister for Social Dialogue and Human Rights, Gabriel Rondón Olave, highlighted the state’s security-first strategy.

“Security is the basis of development for any territory, that is why it is essential that concrete projects emerge from this conference and begin to be implemented immediately,” said Rondón.

After decades of neglect by the national government, residents of the conflict zone have learned to put their faith elsewhere.

Asked if she believes the government will act to help her region, Yulia, who was displaced as a child in 2004 and has lived in Condoto since, told The Bogotá Post that she hopes God will guide politicians.

“Above all, I have hope that God will touch their hearts, will give them the understanding to create strategies that will have an impact and that will actually serve to remedy the current conflict,” she said.

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