The Colombian government announced on Saturday a “peace zone” agreed with the Frente 33 FARC dissident group, which has been engaged in fierce clashes with the National Liberation Army (ELN) since January in the northeast Catatumbo region.

President Gustavo Petro declared on X that “Catatumbo’s peace begins” with the deal, which will see the guerrillas concentrate in an area of the Tibú municipality. 

But local leaders, analysts and government officials raised questions about the plan’s viability and expressed concern for the civilian population.

Saturday’s deal follows months of negotiations between government delegates and the FARC dissidents. On April 17, Petro put pressure on the group, extending a ceasefire for a month with the threat of “significant changes in strategy” if negotiations did not advance.

“This department’s government views this as a phase in the advancement of the peace process,” Luis Niño, High Peace Advisor for Norte de Santander, told The Bogotá Post in response to the “peace zone” deal.

He explained that by concentrating the Frente 33 in a specific area where they have operational, logistical and security guarantees, the government hopes negotiations can progress and lead to a permanent peace agreement.

Armando Benedetti, Colombia’s Interior Minister, said that if the group does not concentrate within the peace zone then the government will end peace negotiations.

But Elizabeth Dickinson, Senior Colombia Analyst at Crisis Group, raised questions over whether the Frente 33 really wants to demobilize. 

“The actions that we’ve seen on the ground in recent weeks from the 33 are very much not of a group looking to disarm or seeking an end to conflict,” Dickinson told The Bogotá Post.

She noted that the FARC dissidents have continued to reinforce their army in the zone, bringing in new soldiers and arms and targeting the local population for recruitment, including children.

“This is an armed organization that is returning to war mode,” said Dickinson.

Doubts about the group’s intentions are coupled with fears of the impact on the local population.

Tibú, where the “peace zone” will be established, has been rocked by combat in recent months.

Many fear the deal could expose Tibú’s residents to more violence. 

“There is great concern for the civilian population,” Jaime Botero, President of Tibú’s Association of Communal Action Boards (ASOJUNTAS), told The Bogotá Post.

He explained that the ELN and FARC dissidents are both present in Tibú and fears that making it a “peace zone” could lead to intensified clashes between the groups.

Botero also criticized the government for not consulting community leaders in the municipality before announcing the plan. 

“As of today, we have not been notified, we have not been invited [to partake in] or informed about this upcoming process,” he said.

“We are the ones who are here, on the ground, day by day and at the very least we need to be consulted… so as to avoid a possible confrontation with the ELN,” continued the community leader. 

Others too have raised concerns about the viability of the plan. Niño echoed Botero’s concerns about the potential risk for the civilian population living in the “peace zone”. 

Dickinson also noted that on a practical level, there are concerns among security forces about whether or not the Frente 33 will disarm within the peace zone.

“If they do remain armed, it will be very complex and indeed potentially impossible for the military to protect them,” said the analyst, explaining that such a situation would constitute an alliance between government forces and an armed group. 

While residents of Catatumbo are desperate for peace, the impact of this deal for the conflict remains far from clear.

“It would be beneficial for us here – for the people – for the war to end. But, well, we will have to wait and see,” said Botero.

The post Confusion and concern surround peace agreement with Colombian rebel group  appeared first on The Bogotá Post.

Cúcuta, Colombia – Multiple senior politicians representing Norte de Santander, home to the embattled Catatumbo region, have opposed the extension of a state of emergency in the conflict zone.

President Gustavo Petro declared a State of Internal Commotion on January 20, 2025, in response to clashes between the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the Frente 33, a FARC dissident group.

The decree is due to expire on April 24 but can be extended after 90 days with Senate approval. It is unclear whether Petro will seek to lengthen the mandate.

Petro declared a state of emergency in response to what has been described as Colombia’s worst humanitarian crisis in a decade.

Official figures report 57,000 people displaced and 86 confirmed dead but government officials estimate fatalities to be in excess of 300.

The constitutional measure allows the president to allocate resources in times of emergency and the government introduced new taxes on betting and fossil fuels to raise funds for Catatumbo. It also deployed some 10,000 uniformed police and soldiers to the region.

Despite the extraordinary measures, local politicians say that the region has not materially benefited from the decree.

“Nothing has arrived. No assistance. Humanitarian assistance at the beginning… but the internal commotion says that they are going to build hospitals, that they are going to improve the roads, that they are going to put in more men to be able to provide security,” Luis Niño, High Advisor for Peace in Norte de Santander, told The Bogotá Post. 

He criticized the empty promises of the government which has failed to deliver institutional development or security to the region. Displacement and death continues in Catatumbo despite the measures.

“If it did not work in the first 90 [days], I do not think it will work in the next 90,” said Niño. 

Other politicians from Norte de Santander have also spoken out against extending the state of emergency. 

Liberal Party Senator Alejandro Chacón told Colombian newspaper El Nuevo Siglo that there was no point in continuing the state of exception.

“I do not agree with the extension, I do not think it is necessary, there was no form of solution following the exceptional measures that were taken,” said Chacón.

Conservative Party Senator Juan Carlos García also opposed extending the State of Internal Commotion.

Instead, the politicians suggested that the government supports its proposed ‘Pact for Catatumbo’, a long-term investment plan that hopes to tackle the roots of violence — underdevelopment and an absence of state institutions. 

“This is not going to happen tomorrow, nor in 90 days, but the resources would be provided so that it can be achieved in five years,” said Niño.

The plan includes the construction of a university in Catatumbo and coca crop substitution.

But the proposal lacks concrete support from the government, which has only granted 1.2% of the necessary funds according to Niño. 

In January, Petro became the first president to invoke the constitutional clause since former President Álvaro Uribe’s tenure (2002-2010).

But his declaration was met with controversy and the country’s Constitutional Court is due to rule whether the decree and the individual measures within it are legal or not before May 5.

The post Top politicians from Norte de Santander oppose extension to State of Internal Commotion appeared first on The Bogotá Post.

Learning to drive is unlikely to be the numero uno task on your to-do list in Bogotá, but you might want to think again. 

The rising cost of driving lessons in Europe and the US is motivating more overseas residents to take a course in Colombia’s capital.

“Most of our expat students say it’s much cheaper to learn here,” says Paula Moreno, manager of the Conducir Colombia school in Teusaquillo, which has seen a steady rise in foreign students enrolling in recent years. 

“Though driving in the city can be stressful,” she adds.

She’s right about that. 

A combination of roadworks, potholes, gridlocks (the city regularly tops the ‘most congested’ lists), missing road signage, broken lights, street vendors and weaving motorbikes. 

Not to mention floods, protests, steep hills, escaped animals, the occasional presidential motorcade and taxistas driving while watching football on a small TV. Every excursion is a real-life game of Grand Theft Auto.

Note that the Colombian licence might not be that useful outside of Latin America. But the driving skills you acquire here will reduce learning time elsewhere. As people say here: “If you can learn to drive in Bogotá, you can drive anywhere”. And it is definitely cheaper.

Bang for bucks

How much cheaper? Learning in Colombia can be four times less than Europe or the US.

The current cost of a full driving course in Colombia is currently US$440, compared to around US$2,000 for the UK, US$3,000 for Germany (US$3,000) or Switzerland (US$4,000). 

Costs in the US vary from state to state, but average to US$1,200 for 20 hours behind the wheel, plus more for the theory classes.

In terms of bang for bucks, driving schools like Conducir Colombia (and there is plenty of competition) offer a very full program: 25 classes of theory, 5 classes of mechanics, and 20 driving classes. Each class is 50 minutes long. The course cost also covers an initial medical and psychometric evaluation, which is a simple computer test to check your hand-eye coordination.

Participants have to complete the theory course presentially in the classroom, but hours are flexible. The mechanic session, usually on Saturday mornings, covers basic car checks, maintenance and wheel changing.

“Many students have never done this before so it really helps to practice before the day you have a flat tire,” says Moreno.

There is a short online theory test that students pass before moving on to driving practicals, which also have flexible hours which students can book to fit around their own schedule.

At Conducir Colombia, students learn in cars with dual controls, so the instructor can brake in emergencies, and switch between different car brands and models during the course, including wheel time in an automatic and hybrid car.

Mind the language barriers

The 20th and last class is also considered a test where the instructor certifies the student as a qualified driver, who can now claim their licence from an office of the Registro Único Nacional de Tránsito, or RUNT. This costs an additional US$70.

“The whole process takes three weeks from theory to licence, if you are in a rush, though many students spread their classes over several months,” says Moreno.

A key question for some overseas students will be: is my Spanish good enough? For Moreno, though, this has never been a problem.

“In the theory classes, some of the teachers speak a bit of English and the other Colombian students help out, it’s fun,” she says. “Also, much of the tuition is with videos.”

For practical driving, a few key words are essential, but everyone has picked these up during the theory by the time they get behind the wheel.

“So far it’s never been a big problem, and everybody gets by.”

What about experienced drivers from overseas? Do they still need to do a driving course?

On this, the Colombian rules are very clear, says Moreno: foreign drivers can use their licences from their home countries while here as tourists, for a maximum of six months. After six months most nationalities need to get a Colombian licence – and complete a driving course – to legally drive.

The exceptions are citizens of Spain, Peru, Korea, Chile and Argentina, who do not need to do the driving course and can co-validate their overseas licences by inscribing them in the Registro Único Nacional de Tránsito.

No shortcuts

“Unfortunately Colombia has very few agreements with other countries to allow their citizens to drive. So after six months you need to do the course,” explains Moreno.

This sounds like bad news, particularly for experienced foreign drivers who only need the actual licence rather than a 45 hours of training.

This is where the Colombian system is inflexible. In other countries you can apply for the driving test independent of the schools. In Colombia, the test is part and parcel of the training course. And it seems there are no shortcuts. 

“Some years ago people could fake the course and the corrupt driving schools would sign them off. Some people never did the full lessons.”

Nowadays, says Moreno, every student is monitored for every class through biometric checks. These were introduced to driving schools in an attempt to reduce the rampant malpractices.

Starting in 2018, every potential driver’s biometric data was saved in the RUNT database and then shared with a system called SIVOC, Sistema de Control y Vigilancia, with students scanning their fingerprints at the start and end of every training session.

“Adios to fraud in the driving schools,” announced the authorities at the time. To introduce more rigor, realtime checks were introduced in 2022; the computer randomly prompts students to re-register their fingerprints even during the 50 minute sessions.

“If you don’t pass the validation, the class isn’t counted, and you have to re-do it” says Moreno. 

Some unscrupulous schools have found ways to continue to game the system, she says, using sticky tape to copy fingerprints of students who don’t want to do the full course. But those are a minority. Most students are happy to get all the practice they can in Bogotá’s challenging streets.

“The licence is just the beginning,” says Sara, a student who has just finished her course in Teusaquillo. “The real challenges are still ahead.”

A Quick Guide to Getting a Driving Licence in Bogotá

1: Find an authorised driving school, called Centros de Enseñanza Automovilística. You can usually find one within walking distance in Bogotá.

2: Inscribe yourself in the RUNT, which is the national transport database. To do this you need to make an appointment in the Ventanilla Única de Servicios. These are small transport offices dotted across the city. The driving school can help you make the appointment. If you have not yet received a Cedula de Extranjeria ID card, you can use your passport number. On the day and time of your appointment, you will present your ID or passport and get your biometric data recorded. The cost in 2025 is US$5.

3: Do your medical exam. This is in a specialised clinic usually close to the driving school, and sometimes is included in the driving school fee. The tests are very simple and usually take 40 minutes. Once you have done the exam, you can start your driving classes.

4: Organise your theory classes with the driving school. You will be in groups of around 10 students, depending on the size of the school. After 20 hours of theory you will have a simple on-line exam, with several practice attempts to check you are ready

5: Attend the mechanic training. This is often done in one session on a Saturday morning.

6: Do your driving practice, 20 sessions of just under an hour. The last class is also your test, your instructor certifies you as a driver.

7: Obtain your driving licence. For this you need another appointment in the Ventanilla Única de Servicios where you will pay an additional US$70 and immediately receive your physical licence. 

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Quibdó, Colombia – Elizabeth “Chava” Moreno is a human rights leader from the embattled Litoral San Juan municipality in Colombia’s Chocó Department. 

After being forced to flee her rural home by armed groups in 2013, Moreno dedicated herself to advocating for the black and indigenous natives of Chocó.

Today, she is the Coordinator of the Interethnic Forum in Chocó, representing communities who have been victims of decades of conflict and state neglect. 

Moreno has received multiple prestigious recognitions, including the United Nations Nansen Refugee Prize in 2023 and the Colombian government’s National Human Rights Prize.

In the empty dining room of a gloomy Quibdó hotel, Moreno loosens the string binding a parcel of banana leaves, releasing a cloud of savoury steam from a hot pastel de arroz. She picked up the Pacific delicacy in the street from schoolgirls raising money for their church.

A waiter offers to plate it up for Moreno, but she declines. “No need to make a mess,” she tells him, waving her hand.

Before our meeting, Moreno had been taking part in a conference upstairs with black community members from the predominantly Afro-descendent region. During our interview, men and women periodically stop in to pay their respects.

Conflict and displacement

The topic on everyone’s mind in Chocó is the escalating humanitarian crisis brought on by clashes between the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla group and the Colombian Gaitanist Army (EGC), Colombia’s largest drug trafficking organization also known as the Clan del Golfo (Gulf Clan).

The region is no stranger to war, and has been uprooted by on-and-off violence for the better half of 40 years.

But Moreno stresses that conflict is not endemic to the department, that it came from outside and disrupted centuries of peace. 

“Before, we lived in harmony, harmonized by ancestral wisdom and knowledge. But as violent forces in Colombia spread to more remote regions, they eventually arrived in our land,” she recalls.

Moreno’s birthplace is rich in gold and copper and ripe for cultivating coca and marijuana, which has attracted multinational corporations and illegal armed groups looking to make a profit.

“They are driven by the desire to make, to extract, to seize and take advantage of these resources in communities, of people who did not have the knowledge to defend their assets,” she explains.

Armed groups then forcibly removed people from their homes in order to facilitate production, creating mass displacements like the ones seen today.

Moreno was displaced in 2013 by fighting between paramilitary groups. 

“Being displaced produces a lot of effects… above all, the rupture of the community fabric, the loss of culture, precarious economic situations, family breakdown, social decomposition,” she explains.

The new wave of fighting in Chocó has displaced over 3,500 people since February.

Moreno warns that people who were already victims of previous bouts of conflict are being impacted again.

“It is very painful, it is very sad… in Chocó, [we are seeing] re-victimization, the government repeating the same mistakes, actors like the ELN, the collapse in negotiations,” she says, referencing the breakdown in peace talks between the state and the ELN in January.

Failed approaches to peace

Many observers believe that Colombian President Gustavo Petro’s “total peace” plan has passed a tipping point, with intensified clashes in the northeast Catatumbo region, Chocó and Cauca.

In Chocó, cyclical violence has generated a deep distrust in the state’s ability to protect its citizens.

Moreno criticizes the government’s approach to peace, including the 2016 deal with the FARC guerrilla group, for not involving black and indigenous people living on the frontlines of the conflict.

“That is one of the great failures of the peace agreement’s signing… Afro-Colombians, the victims, the indigenous people, we made it onto the last of the three hundred or so pages of the peace agreement. Only one page talks about the ethnic component,” she says.

Moreno explains that despite hopes that the deal would bring peace, it simply shifted the conflict dynamics to different groups wreaking havoc on the civilian population.

“Here, the leash changes but not the dog,” she says.

In the past two years, Chocó has had the highest percentage of displacements, disappearances and confinements in Colombia.

Moreno calls for urgent action from the government before it is too late for Chocó. She is among many local leaders demanding development initiatives and stronger institutions in the region, rather than security interventions.

Moreno criticizes the government for only acting once it is too late, referencing its failure to respond to early warnings about the crisis in Catatumbo. 

Now, she implores it to answer the alerts issued by the government, the ombudsman and local leaders in Chocó. 

“You cannot solve the problem when the damage has already been done,” says Moreno. 

In Colombia, speaking out against the government and armed groups can be deadly; last year, 188 social leaders and human rights defenders were killed, including seven in Chocó. 

When asked if she is scared to speak out, Moreno laughs: “they always ask us that!” 

“If we let fear get the best of us, it eats us alive. A friend always says, if we talk, they kill us. So let them kill us talking,” she says.

The post ‘Here, the leash changes but not the dog’: A conversation with Colombian human rights leader Elizabeth Moreno appeared first on The Bogotá Post.

Thousands marched in Bogotá today, March 18, as part of nationwide demonstrations in support of labor reforms proposed by Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro. 

The president called the rally in an effort to pressure the Senate, which was widely expected to vote down the bill before it could be debated.

The attempt failed, with lawmakers on the Comisión Séptima, a constitutional committee, voting eight to six in favor of tabling the labor reforms. 

Yesterday, the government announced that March 18 would be a Día Cívico, or civic day, giving public servants a day off work.

Describing the purpose of the holiday, a government statement read: “to guarantee the legitimate right of citizens to express themselves publicly in favor of social reforms that improve their lives and guarantee their dignity.”

The proposed reforms sought new rights for workers including statutory remuneration for vacation days and increased compensation for dismissal without just cause.

They received widespread opposition from the private sector, who would have to front the costs.

Thousands heeded Petro’s call to march in favor of the reforms, including public servants, members of trade unions, and families who travelled from around the country. 

The rally started at the Parque Nacional and proceeded to Plaza Simon Bolívar in the historic center.

Many attendees hoped the march would persuade the Senate committee to let the bill pass to the next stage of consideration.

“I’m here to support the debate, let them at least debate the government’s reforms because they are made for the people, and that’s why we voted [for Petro],” Clementina Hernandez, a Bogotá local, told The Bogotá Post. 

Others wanted to show support for the president more broadly.

“I’m here supporting Gustavo Petro, who is the truest leader that Colombia has ever had. He’s someone who likes to work for poor people,” said Isaac Rojas, 70.

Some used the opportunity to show support for Petro’s coalition in the upcoming elections in 2026.

Fernando Mateus and his wife donned t-shirts that read “solidly behind Petro for reelection.”

Asked if they believed that the president had fulfilled his campaign promises, they cited his attempts at progressive reforms and blamed lawmakers for blocking them.

“He is supporting long overdue reforms in Colombia, including agrarian reform, labor reform, health reform. Congress does not allow him to move forward so these have been very difficult to achieve. But what is in his hands he has managed to do and he has the will to do it and we believe him and that is why we continue to support him,” said Mateus.

One family at the demonstration travelled from Cali to join the demonstration. Their eldest son, Leonardo Ponza, also criticized congress for blocking Petro’s reforms.

“Not everything that [Petro] promised has been fulfilled, but it is not due to a lack of will by the national administration, I think that in many situations their hands have been tied,” said Ponza.

He added that the protest was the latest attempt to stop congress from blocking Petro’s reforms. 

Some critics suggested that people were paid to attend the rally, but there has been no evidence to prove these claims. 

But one anonymous source told The Bogotá Post that their employer had obliged them to attend the rally.

The post Despite demonstrations, Petro’s landmark labor law flops  appeared first on The Bogotá Post.

Quibdó, Colombia – Local officials, community leaders and residents in Colombia’s western Chocó department fear that the entry of a third armed group to the region will aggravate the existing humanitarian crisis.

Last week, authorities reported that the Estado Mayor Central (EMC), or Central General Staff, a dissident group of the demobilized FARC guerrillas, are present in Chocó for the first time.

The group is reportedly working alongside the Gaitanist Army of Colombia (EGC) – previously known as the AGC or Clan del Golfo – in its ongoing fight against the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerilla, which has seen a period of intensification this month.

Chocó’s Secretary of the Interior, Francisco Vidal, told The Bogotá Post that members of the EMC are moving into the area through the Calima River Basin, which borders Chocó to the south in the Valle de Cauca Department. 

Vidal explained that the entry of a new armed actor will worsen the conflict and the ongoing crisis, which has already displaced at least 3,500 people.  

“What this does is… aggravates the humanitarian crisis, because it is one more actor that enters the conflict,” said the Secretary.

The recent fighting has been concentrated in the remote San Juan River Basin, where EGC forces have been pushing south, threatening ELN control over the region.

The newly arrived EMC is entering from the south and pushing north, effectively surrounding the ELN.

Andres Preciado, Director of Conflict and Security at Fundación Ideas para la Paz, suggests that the ELN has been losing ground. 

“The ELN has suffered significant territorial losses at the hands of the [AGC] and is resorting to other measures to halt its advance,” Preciado told The Bogotá Post.

These measures include last week’s paro armado, or armed strike, which confined thousands of people to their homes under threat of violence.

Vidal explained that the ELN is resorting to more drastic tactics.

“We have witnessed actions that had not been seen for a long time, such as the use of gas cylinders loaded with explosives,” the Secretary said.

He also told The Bogotá Post that the area affected by the ELN’s actions has expanded, further intensifying the crisis. While the department has seen many armed strikes in past years, they were usually confined to six municipalities in the San Juan River Basin. Last week’s action saw incidents in 15 municipalities. 

“Escalations by this armed group are increasing. It has expanded its presence to regions previously unaffected,” said Vidal.

While the current conflict between the AGC and ELN in Chocó has been ongoing since 2021, it appears to be escalating.

Elizabeth ‘Chava’ Moreno, a human rights leader from the San Juan region and Coordinator of the Interethnic Forum for Solidarity in Chocó (FISCH), warned that the entry of the EMC will only worsen the conflict.

“The presence of various armed actors aggravates the situation and also makes the confrontations more eminent and recurrent,” Moreno told The Bogotá Post.

Chocó’s Governor, Nubia Carolina Córdoba, has been petitioning the national government over the past weeks for assistance in dealing with the ongoing crisis.

On Saturday, The Bogotá Post attended a meeting between a national government delegation and local leaders and residents in Condoto, a town in the San Juan region. 

At a gymnasium in the town used to host the event, successive speakers directed their frustration at the government towards Lilia Solano, director of the national government’s Victims Unit, which manages reparations for victims of Colombia’s armed conflict.

In at times heated speeches, mayors from the region criticized the state for neglecting the needs of Chocó for so long.

The voice of the mayor of Istmina, Chocó second city about two hour’s drive south from the capital Quibdó, boomed through the room as he railed against the empty promises of successive governments, to rapturous applause.

“Today my voice speaks loudly, but I bear a social and historical fatigue, I can’t stand it any longer… we want the active presence of the government in the territory, we want institutions,” said Mayor Jaison Mosquera Sánchez.

But despite locals viewing the conflict as much a social as a security problem, the government continues to prioritize military action. 

At the meeting, the Vice Minister for Social Dialogue and Human Rights, Gabriel Rondón Olave, highlighted the state’s security-first strategy.

“Security is the basis of development for any territory, that is why it is essential that concrete projects emerge from this conference and begin to be implemented immediately,” said Rondón.

After decades of neglect by the national government, residents of the conflict zone have learned to put their faith elsewhere.

Asked if she believes the government will act to help her region, Yulia, who was displaced as a child in 2004 and has lived in Condoto since, told The Bogotá Post that she hopes God will guide politicians.

“Above all, I have hope that God will touch their hearts, will give them the understanding to create strategies that will have an impact and that will actually serve to remedy the current conflict,” she said.

The post Fears in Chocó that FARC dissidents’ arrival will worsen humanitarian crisis appeared first on The Bogotá Post.

The Catatumbo’s natural conditions have also endowed the land with some of the world’s most valuable natural resources. It contains the largest area of coca plantations on earth and is a major exporter of refined cocaine. The region also possesses vast petroleum and gold reserves and fertile conditions for palm oil plantations.

But as with many naturally rich areas of the world, resource abundance has cursed the people of the Catatumbo.

Since the 1990s, locals have been pawns in a conflict between guerrillas, paramilitaries, and government forces seeking to profit from the land. As a result, despite the abundant profits extracted from the region, its communities remain some of Colombia’s poorest.

A fresh wave of violence beginning in January has forced some 54,000 locals to leave their homes. Another 32,000 are confined to their houses, unable to leave due to the ongoing combat.

As with any conflict, young people are the worst affected. Some 47,000 children are unable to access education due to displacement or confinement.

Schools in the region are also often underfunded and undersupplied. 

Steve Hide, a former Head of Mission at Doctors Without Borders in Colombia, took it upon himself to organize an aid drive for a school in Tibú, a town at the center of the humanitarian crisis.

He collected donations from a network of locals and expats in Bogotá and Medellín, and coordinated a bulk purchase of school supplies from a stationary retailer in the capital.

“It’s very hard to know until you get there exactly what it’s going to be like and it’s all a bit of a guess but I think there’s also the element of showing a bit of solidarity with the people in there, they’ve suffered a lot over many years,” he says, behind the wheel of his red Mitsubishi Montero. 

The journey is not without its risks but Hide, who trains journalists to operate in hostile environments, is aware of what these are and how to minimize them.

“It’s a conflict area so you’re not guaranteed to be safe, it’s hard to know from the news exactly what’s happening, it’s hard to get good information but we do have a few contacts there that are encouraging us to come so we’re hoping it’s safe enough,” Hide explains.

He stresses the importance of not alarming locals, who may be informants for armed groups and who will be on high alert given the tensions in the region.

“You have to take it easy, you can’t rush in, you have to know people there, you have to make some contacts before you go and then when you get close to the conflict areas, go slow, take it easy, talk to people, stop along the way,” he explains.

As he’s telling me about the risks in the conflict zone, a truck overtakes our car at high speed just before a corner on the mountain road. 

“Crazy Colombian trucks, there you go, this guy’s going madly too fast down the hill, but he’s riding empty so he probably thinks he’s like a sports car,” Hide jokes.

He was once a truck driver himself, taking passengers on overland tours around the world, including a route from Colombia to Patagonia.

His unique set of logistical skills were suited to NGO work and set him up to get involved in the non-profit sector.

His time with Doctors Without Borders gave Hide access and insights into Colombia’s conflict zones. These included Tibú, where he met Jaime Botero, a community leader and the current President of the Association of Communal Action Boards (ASOJUNTAS). 

Arriving in Tibú, which is now home to some 13,000 people displaced by the recent clashes, Botero greets Steve like an old friend. 

The two catch up and discuss the situation in the Catatumbo, Botero’s project to expand a local school, and how best to coordinate the delivery of supplies.

We drive to the local school to deliver the boxes, where a team of volunteers helps to unpack the car.

The next day, Botero invites us to the school to meet the children who will receive the supplies.

They are particularly enchanted by the bright yellow English to Spanish dictionaries, gazing wide-eyed at the open boxes on their way to their classrooms.

In an assembly, Botero addresses around 300 students from Pre-K to third grade.

“I want to welcome Steve Hide, a great friend who has brought us important supplies from Bogotá,” says the community leader. 

But we cannot stay to see the students receive their supplies as Hide is keen to hit the road early out of an abundance of caution. 

After leaving the Catatumbo, we debrief on the mission over breakfast.

“I know no one’s pretending that we’ve made a huge impact. We haven’t. Maybe just for a few people. But it’s something. Something’s better than nothing,” Hide says between sips of a milky coffee.

He praises the work of NGOs in Tibú, several of which had contributed funds and materials to the expansion of the school we visited.

But Hide also suggested that, with the end of USAID and budget cuts to NGOs around the world, trips like these may be increasingly common. 

“The idea that you can get people together from a community, in this case friends and people we know in Bogota, raise a bit of money, buy some stuff, and actually deliver it directly to where the needs are, I think that’s kind of special as well,” says Hide.

Finally, I ask him whether he would describe the trip as “mission accomplished.”

“Yes, very much. I mean, we got there, we got back, still alive. Most important thing,” Hide jokes.

The post An independent aid mission to the Catatumbo appeared first on The Bogotá Post.

A 72-hour ‘paro armado’, or armed strike, by the National Liberation Army (ELN) began at midnight today in Colombia’s western Chocó department.

The armed group declared the action, which threatens attacks on anyone leaving their homes, following weeks of clashes with the Gaitanist Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AGC), or Gulf Clan, that have displaced 3,400 and confined at least 9,200.

While the ELN claims that the strike is meant to raise awareness of the humanitarian crisis in Chocó, government officials accuse it of using the action as a cover to create a drug-smuggling corridor.

The ELN’s Western War Front announced the action in a comuniqué on Saturday, criticizing the government for being allied with the AGC (also referred to as EGC) and failing to address the ongoing crisis in Chocó.

“To make visible the entanglement between the state, military forces and mercenaries, we declare a 72 hour armed strike in the Chocó department,” read the statement.

During the action, residents of affected areas will be forced to remain in their homes and face a threat of violence if they leave.

Andres Preciado, Director of Conflict and Security at Fundación Ideas para la Paz, explained the impact of these measures.

“The most worrisome [element] is the humanitarian situation due to mobility restrictions, where communities are prevented from accessing food and other rights,” the analyst told The Bogotá Post.

Preciado also noted that the ELN tends to resort to armed strikes when a new wave of hostilities begins with the EGC. 

The most recent bout of fighting between the ELN and EGC began on February 5 around Puerto Murillo, a remote town on the Río San Juan, which is a key cocaine smuggling route. 

Preciado notes that the EGC has made significant territorial gains this month and believes the ELN is using the strike to slow its advance.

The ELN acknowledges that there has been a “paramilitary advance”, and claims that the Gulf Clan is working in collaboration with the state. 

“We must unmask the plans of the oligarchy: the implementation of megaprojects, of their extractivist economic model and the massive arrival of mercenaries to protect their interest,” read the statement. 

Preciado explained that it is difficult to determine if state collusion with the EGC is “systematic” or “opportunistic.”

But the analyst maintained that the group’s expansion in Chocó goes much deeper than whether or not it has received state support. 

Although the violence in Chocó has reduced since early February, local authorities fear that new clashes could erupt at any moment.

Yesterday, the Ombudsman’s Office issued a warning about the deteriorating security situation in Colombia. 

In a statement, it identified 11 flashpoints across the country involving 10 armed groups and stressed that the conflict in Chocó was particularly concerning.

“One of the most critical situations can be found in the subregion of San Juan, Chocó,” read the communiqué. 

Speaking to W Radio, Iris Marín, Colombia’s Ombudsman, warned that members of the Estado Mayor Central, or Central General Staff, were in the Chocó for the first time.

The FARC dissident group is reportedly working alongside the EGC to fight the ELN.

The ELN staged a similar armed strike in November 2024 to reassert its control over the region and denounce state megaprojects. The strike lasted a week and forced some 50,000 people to remain in their homes.

Preciado believes that state security forces will not attempt to disrupt the strike.

“Once the strike is declared the damage has already been done, and the population is confined [to their homes] out of fear and a lack of confidence that the security forces can protect them,” said the analyst.

Feature image credit: Brasil de Fato via Flickr

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A large portion of Colombia’s Blackhawk helicopter fleet has been rendered non-operational following a U.S. aid moratorium.

Eighteen helicopters used by the National Police’s counter-narcotics force and twelve army aircraft with attack capabilities were grounded last Thursday.

Analysts speaking to The Bogotá Post fear the blow to police and military airpower may impact the government’s capacity to carry out operations against armed actors and narcotics trafficking.

In his first 24 hours in office, Donald Trump issued an executive order titled “Reevaluating and Realigning United States Foreign Aid,” effectively freezing all foreign aid for 90 days.

Within days, the decree began to impact the situation on the ground in Colombia.

U.S. support played a key role in Colombia’s aerial operations as many of its helicopters were on loan from Washington. Additionally, maintenance of some of the aircraft owned by the Colombian government depended on U.S. contracts which have since been cancelled.

Elizabeth Dickinson, Senior Colombia Analyst at International Crisis Group, explains the importance of air support in Colombia.

“Colombia is a place where the terrain is very complex. Sending troops into rural areas, resupplying them, all of that requires air support and conducting operations even more so,” she told The Bogotá Post. 

The ongoing situation in Catatumbo exemplifies the critical role of air support, with helicopters essential to supporting military and humanitarian operations in the remote region. 

The conflict between rival armed groups in the country’s northeast Norte de Santander department has left as many as 50,000 people displaced and an estimated 80 dead, making it the worst humanitarian crisis in a decade. 

“It’s not an opportune time for such a significant portion of the air fleet to be grounded,” Dickinson notes.

Beyond Catatumbo, Washington’s measures have undermined police operations in other historically embattled regions.

An unnamed police source described to W Radio the impact of the helicopters being grounded.

“The supply and air support around remote police stations in Chocó, Nariño, Putumayo, Guaviare, Guainía are exposed to operations and possible attacks,” said the source. 

Colombian security forces’ weakened operational capacity will likely have knock-on effects for regional security, the narcotics trade and migration, according to analysts. 

Sergio Guzmán, Director of Colombia Risk Analysis, believes that Trump’s withdrawal of support for Colombia’s military is a mistake.

“Having partners like Colombia and critically the Colombian military closely engaging with the U.S…. is a very important partnership that ought to be maintained,” the analyst told The Bogotá Post.

Guzmán warned that Trump’s aid freeze could backfire, intensifying the drug and migration crisis that underpinned the president’s electoral promises.

For now, given the urgent security crisis it faces, Colombia’s government will have to make do with the resources it has.

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Recent years have seen football championships, international summits and election fever in Colombia. 2025 has none of that sort of event to provide a natural hook for the year to pivot around. However, there’s no shortage of things going on in the country. 2024 certainly had plenty going on.

Critically, 2026 has the possibility to be huge. There will be one of the most important elections in recent history next year to determine who succeeds Gustavo Petro as Colombian president, a World Cup in which la sele could well shine and much more besides.

Some of the preparation for that will bleed into this year, especially towards the end of 2025 in Colombia. In many ways much of what happens this year will end up affecting the following year and that opens up space for unexpected occurrences – something Colombia specialises in.

So, it’s an odd year that has ‘transition’ written all over it. But Colombia has a habit of springing surprises. With little on the agenda in the way of big events, it’s a hard year to call. Be sure to come back in a few months time and tell us how we got it all wrong.

Political manoeuvres in the dark

This is president Gustavo Petro’s final full year in power. Due to term limits in the Colombian system, the final six months of an administration often ends up as somewhat of a lame duck affair. If Petro can’t get something through before Christmas, it’s likely never happening.

More pertinently, he has to get a budget approved and that’s not going to be easy. He wants a tax reform, and those haven’t been easy to get through in recent years. Few people like paying tax at the best of times and in a cost of living crisis even less so.

Towards the end of the year, the riders and runners for the 2026 elections will become clearer as candidates jockey for position. There are a few hats in the ring already, but more will come thick and fast around autumn time. For a country that has never had a female head of state, there are a few intriguing names bouncing around.

It’s common for candidates to represent a range of parties, which involves a sort of primary process. Those usually take place in December or early January, meaning campaigns will be in full flow well before year end. 

Former Bogotá mayor Claudia López has expressed interest in running for the big office, as most ex-mayors do. The current mayor’s brother, Juan Manuel Galán also appears to be in the mix. Peñalosa might have another go and Fajardo probably isn’t done yet.

Vice president Francia Márquez may take a tilt, although she’s had a rough time as VP. Gustavo Petro’s wife Verónica Alcocer’s name has been mentioned, but that’s starting to die down a bit now as she has taken a back seat in recent months. Gustavo Bolívar recently finished third in a two horse race for the mayorship of Bogotá, but that hasn’t daunted him. 

Luis Gilberto Murillo resigned as canciller recently, which almost certainly means he’s going to enter the race. A highly able politician, he has generally done a good job on foreign affairs in the shadow of Petro and was seen as a safe pair of hands. His replacement is the precocious Laura Sanabria, continuing her ascent through Colombian politics.

From the right, things are far less clear. The definite candidate so far is Vicky Dávila, editor of Semana. She seems to enjoy the support of Uribe, though is not an established political figure with a base and electoral machine. There’s often been talk of Maria Fernanda Cabal running, but it’s one of the few subjects she remains tight-lipped about.

Can Petro secure a legacy?

Quite apart from the start of the presidential election cycle will be the question of Petro’s legacy. He came into power promising much but has so far delivered little. The pressure is on this year to get something big passed – not only for his pride but also the success of leftist candidates to succeed him. He’s going to try health reform again, but that was effectively sunk last year.

It’s not clear what is achievable. Various bills he has proposed have run into holdups within the Senate and he seems unwilling and/or unable to negotiate or compromise in order to get them passed. With time running out, he may break the habit of a lifetime and bend.

On the international stage, there are likely to be further tensions with the Maduro regime in Venezuela. Ex presidents of Colombia Iván Duque and Álvaro Uribe have called for action after last year’s election, leading Caracas to respond angrily. Petro remains cautiously friendly but that doesn’t seem to get him anywhere.

Of course, the return of Trump has already blown apart US-Colombia relations, with a well-publicised spat between the two presidents that ended up with no real change in deportations and plenty of anti-Colombian feeling in the new administration. 

In the end, both sides claimed victory, one more convincingly than the other and the threat of sanctions remains. On top of that, hundreds of visa processes were affected, aid will likely be cut and military operations and collaboration are in tatters. There’s a lot of work on to restore good feelings and it’ll likely take the whole year or more.

Germany is currently reconsidering visa-free access for Colombians, following a spike in asylum claims in the country. That follows the UK, which abruptly revoked visa-free access for Colombians for the same reason last year.

Peace sells, but who’s buying?

The various peace processes are in serious risk of collapse this year, most notably with the ELN. After recent clashes, Petro’s gone as far as to declare a state of emergency in Catatumbo and thousands of people are fleeing the zone.

That’s unlikely to end quickly and even if it does, the effects will linger far longer. All those displaced people will have to rebuild their lives whether they decide to go back or not, extra taxes have been announced to support the effort and of course distrust on both sides will remain.

None of the other processes have gone well, with armed groups on the northern coast making no real progress and FARC dissidents running rings round the state negotiators. It’s been years now of broken promises and wasted time and there’s not much to suggest any of that changing in the short term.

However, there’s plenty of incentive to get things done, and it’s not unusual for acuerdos to come seemingly from thin air. The aforementioned political jockeying may focus a few minds and get people to a deal. After all, Petro is by far the most receptive president any of these groups are likely to deal with.

Local issues

Despite the beautiful sunny days, Bogotá life is a bit of a grind for many at the moment. Crime remains stubbornly high, the Metro works are making it harder to get around the city and water cuts are continuing. Mayor Galán had an OK first year, but has few big achievements to point at. This year he could do with a big win. 

Crime has been top of bogotanos’ concerns for a long while but the numbers remain stubbornly high. Few people believe the official figures, especially as homicides are up – now higher per capita than Medellín. This is one of those things that can burn slowly and suddenly explode – hopefully not this year. 

Trash, too, has been an ongoing problem since both Petro (then mayor) and Peñalosa encountered troubles with the system. Since then it’s been mainly ignored, but rats and other vermin are all over the city again now. With hot, dry day now the norm, this is in danger of becoming the new normal. 

Metro works are now in full flow ahead of the projected 2028 finish date. Closures of key Transmilenio stations are part of this process as many metro stations will be built above extant Transmi stations. That means you can expect even more disruption among the Caracas, both for public transportation and private cars.

There will certainly be a lot more noise about water, at least in the initial months. La Niña barely arrived last year and finished early. With limited rainfall well into the traditionally dry months of January and February, a lot hangs on the springtime rainy season. Until then, water rationing will continue and may intensify.

Although few are predicting a repeat of last year’s forest fires, that’s certainly far from impossible. Most of the same conditions are in place – extended dry weather, high daytime temperatures and careless people are all in abundance once again.

Worryingly, Petro’s on the warpath again. He spent a lot of time arguing with Claudia López, but has until now left Galán’s administration alone. Now though, he’s threatening to pull funding for the capital again, citing budget problems. Whether he’ll go through with it is unclear, but that won’t help matters.

That’s Entertainment

As ever, there’s a feast of capital entertainment in the months ahead. After the roaring success of last year’s event, Festival Estéreo Picnic will be out to solidify itself in the heart of the capital. Later in the year, Cordillera will fulfil a similar brief. Then there’s the various al Parques and plenty of big gigs coming to town.

Festival Estéreo Picnic has a strong lineup and is head and shoulders above the rest of the Bogotá entertainment offerings. Even if the eclectic selection of Tool and Timberlake, Rodrigo and Morissette are not your cup of tea, there’s cracking local talent early doors.

For one off gigs, Shakira is playing Campín in February which will be huge. Also in springtime is posh Geordie Sting and The Offspring, who absolutely levelled Estéreo Picnic last year. Armenian-American metal legends System Of A Down arrive in April and for heavy fans there’s also the Linkin Park tour.

Smaller (musically, although Kylie is coming too) acts you might want to check out include Colombian songstress Juliana, Basque punk polymath Fermin Muguruza and Valeria Castro. Latin legends abound, from Enrique Bunbury to Molotov via Grupo Niche and more. 

A sporting chance

This will be a fairly quiet year in sporting terms, it seems, with few big events in the calendar. There are no Olympics or World Cups to look forward to. Locally, the developing Tour Colombia has been cancelled and doesn’t currently look likely to return. The Copa América Femenina takes place in Ecuador and althouth the women’s game get less fanfare, they deliver results.

With seven out of 10 teams qualifying for the 2026 men’s World Cup, there’s little jeopardy for the impressive Colombian men’s team. However, they have a strong chance of getting a top seed if they continue to do well in the FIFA rankings. They’re currently 12th and both Uruguay and Germany are eminently catchable.

The women’s team, however, get the chance to go one better than last time and claim a first ever Copa América Femenina. Led by precociously talented wonderkid Linda Caicedo, las superpoderosas manage to punch above their weight with limited funding. That means a fighting chance of a glorious return from Ecuador, so keep an eye on them.

One thing that won’t be continuing in the capital is the Falcao-Millos love affair. While his time living the dream with los embajadores was relatively fruitful, he won’t be returning this year in a dispute over wages. 

It seems like a lifetime ago that we were talking of a golden age for Colombian cycling, and it’s entirely possible that there could be small reasons to celebrate in the summer. The likes of Quintana and Chaves are older now but could take a stage somewhere, whereas Dani Martínez shone last year and all eyes are on Egan Bernal’s comeback trail.

A year of waiting, or time for a surprise?

While it does seem like the sort of year that’s not going to go anywhere, there’s so many plates spinning in so many areas that it’s entirely possible something will arrive without warning. The trickier part is working out what that will be.

Obviously, it would be good for a breakthrough to come in one or more of the various peace talks, but that seems like one of the longer shots at this moment in time. The chance of Petro getting something substantive through parliament is also fairly unlikely.

There’s a better chance of heavy rains in April-May which could get the reservoirs full again and see the end of rationing. However, that’s still a way away and the signs in January haven’t been encouraging at all.

So in the end there’s always the chance that things will come out of left-field, much as the Petro-Trump spat did. More upheaval in foreign affairs is distinctly possible, and closer to home displeasure at general conditions and cost of living mean there’s the chance of civil unrest in the cities breaking out over some triggering event.

One thing is for sure: Colombia in 2025 is unlikely to be uneventful even if it doesn’t end up being a historic year. As ever, the country retains the ability to spring surprises and the news cycle will continue to run at a breakneck pace. Let’s hope it’s eventful in a good way.

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